Cayetano pushes for DOLE, DBM inclusion in Education Cabinet Cluster…

on

Ni: Nino Aclan

SENATOR Alan Peter Cayetano suggested the inclusion of the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) and the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) in the proposed creation of a new Cabinet Cluster focused on education.
Cayetano, serving as co-chairperson of the Second Congressional Commission on Education (EDCOM II), and other commissioners submitted the proposal to President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. on June 27, 2024.
This move aims to address the persistent learning crisis in the country by ensuring “strong coordination among key departments and agencies involved in education and workforce development.”
Established by Republic Act 11899 in July 2022, EDCOM II is mandated to conduct a comprehensive evaluation of the Philippine education system and propose transformative policies to address ongoing challenges in education and the labor market.
The proposal underscores the need for a dedicated Cabinet Cluster to urgently tackle the learning crisis and formulate a cohesive national education and workforce development plan.
Cayetano, who also chairs the Senate Committee on Higher, Technical and Vocational Education, emphasized the importance of DOLE and DBM’s inclusion in ensuring sustained operational funding and alignment with workforce development goals.
Drawing from historical precedent, EDCOM II referenced the 1991 EDCOM report, which led to significant reforms including the establishment of the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) and the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA).
The current proposal aims to build upon these past efforts by promoting coordinated planning, monitoring educational outcomes, aligning teacher education, and meeting the evolving needs of the job market.
Dedicated to bringing about meaningful change in the Philippine education system, Cayetano and EDCOM II are hopeful that the proposal garners the necessary SUPPORT.

Discover more from Current Ph

Subscribe to get the latest posts sent to your email.

LEAVE A REPLY

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

MUST READ

Defunding Rail Maintenance: Keeping Today’s Trains Alive for Tomorrow’s...

Buhayin ang Lumang Tren By Paul Y. Chua, PhD One Metro Manila line still runs cars that first carried passengers in December 1999, nearly 27 years...

MAS PINABILIS NA ANG PAGBIYAHE SA VICTORY LINER!

MAS PINABILIS NA ANG PAGBIYAHE SA VICTORY LINER! Mas madali at mas convenient na ang pagkuha ng bus tickets! Alamin kung paano gagawing mas mabilis at...

MC Taxi Riders Appeal to LTFRB amidst Overboarding Issue

MANILA, Philippines, October 22, 2026 — Motorcycle taxi riders are calling on the Marcos administration and transport regulatory bodies to provide those operating beyond...

China’s Wolf Warriors are Back. Beijing Should Recall Its...

China's ambassador to the Philippines has accomplished in a few sentences what years of Chinese public diplomacy have struggled to prevent: He has reinforced the perception that Beijing regards its smaller neighbors not as sovereign equals, but as countries expected to accommodate its growing military and economic power.

Beyond the 2027 Invasion Timeline: Diplomatic Isolation, Ontological Security,...

This paper challenges military-centered assessments of a possible People's Republic of China (PRC) operation against Taiwan by 2027, arguing that Beijing's calculations may depend not only on military readiness and economic costs but also on diplomatic recognition, international legitimacy, and political identity. It advances a conditional framework integrating ontological security theory, the Chinese sociological concept of mianzi (face), and recognition politics. The paper proposes that Taiwan's declining diplomatic recognition could strengthen Beijing's sovereignty narrative, create a perceived loss of face for Taiwan's governing authorities, and alter the political conditions under which Beijing considers coercive or military unification. Drawing on official PRC statements, U.S. security assessments, and international relations scholarship, the analysis develops three propositions concerning recognition, status vulnerability, and coercive decision-making. It argues that complete diplomatic isolation could represent a significant political threshold without necessarily eliminating Taiwan's international relationships or legitimizing the use of force. The paper contributes to cross-strait security studies by identifying diplomatic recognition as a potentially important condition that shapes Beijing's assessment of the political feasibility and costs of unification, beyond conventional materialist explanations.

Discover more from Current Ph

Subscribe now to keep reading and get access to the full archive.

Continue reading

Discover more from Current Ph

Subscribe now to keep reading and get access to the full archive.

Continue reading