Several weeks before the EDSA Dos uprising against former President Joseph Estrada, a vivid memory lingers in my mind—a remark from one of my closest friends who, upon learning about scandals involving Erap associates, foresaw the impending crisis, saying, “I think this will break the camel’s back.” Similar sentiments echo within me as news circulates about the charter change initiative undertaken by none other than the Martin Romualdez-led House of Representatives.

It perplexes me why Mr. Romualdez, of all people, allowed this initiative to unfold. As the local saying goes, “bakit siya kumuha ng martilyong ipampupukpok niya sa ulo niya?” I understand the argument that charter change could deter opposition forces and safeguard the current administration from destabilization. However, to use such a drastic measure merely to prevent the political resurgence of the Dutertes seems like an overreaction.

The underlying motive appears rooted in political and monopoly capitalism—an aspiration to consolidate political and economic power. The real objective? To perpetuate the Marcos-Romualdez clique in power indefinitely without resorting to martial law.

Assuming the role of the first Prime Minister under a federal setup, Speaker Romualdez would make history. Yet, he may have been misguided. Historical precedent suggests that charter change initiatives, like the present one, have been detrimental to the presidential aspirations of candidates since Mr. Mitra’s time.

Former speakers Mitra, de Venecia, and Villar understood this when their presidential bids faced public opposition. If Speaker Martin portrays this initiative as altruistic, the public’s skepticism is inevitable. His takeover of a media entity, proposals for the Maharlika fund, alleged influence over projects, and efforts to strengthen political alliances hint at a potential presidential run in 2028.

While Romualdez currently wields considerable political influence, more is needed to guarantee success in the 2028 elections. Politics is dynamic and subject to various intervening factors. Romualdez might be underestimating his challenges, especially if the opposition seizes on the charter-change platform to counter him in the upcoming elections.

The opposition led by former president Rodrigo Roa Duterte had already stated its opposition to charter change. This cha-cha initiative may be the glue that may consolidate all anti-Marcos-Romualdez forces, backed by industrialists fearful of recent moves by the administration and its allies against entrenched big capitalists. 

Reasons behind Marcos-Romualdez’s political moves

One word—succession. The Marcos-Romualdez clique has not found a popular candidate to field against Vice President Sara Duterte. Sandro, the presidential son, is too young. Imee Marcos, on the other hand, is playing with the other side of the fence. Come 2028, there is no other candidate from that clique to ensure the ontological security of the Marcoses. Succession was the one who broke the mighty Marcos dictatorial regime, with several contending forces vying for Marcos senior’s seat.

The very same problem exists come 2028. They know Speaker Martin Romualdez is not a popular candidate to clinch the presidency. And foolishly, they think that by aligning with a more popular one (I will discuss this later), Romualdez may achieve what he intends to achieve. They are heading in the wrong direction.

This explains why they want to change the constitution to fit their political agenda. Unfortunately, though, the means they choose may lead to regime change.