Deconstruction of Marcosian discourse may tilt the clods in favor of Robredo

on

The key to defeating the forces of darkness this coming May elections is for the deconstruction of discourses occurring within hegemonic spheres. Three differing hegemonic spheres are competing for the voter’s attention.

The first hegemony is what I call Marcosian bagong lipunan. This fantasm has already failed with the downfall of the Marcos regime in 1986. However, many of its ideological assertions persisted because of the failure of the alternative hegemony called the “Liberal democratic” to enact heartfelt and genuine social change in the last 30 years post-Marcos era.

The institutionalization of the liberal democratic hegemony led to a loss of its prestige as an effective and viable solution to the country’s ills. While efforts to resuscitate its ideological value exist, the consistent failures attenuated by charges of corruption undertaken by its key ideological promoters destroyed public support. The lack of a systematic iteration and ideation of the value of liberal democracy in the lives of the people led to a loss of respect and support of voters behind it, creating a widespread perception that the Marcosian discourse is a suitable alternative to the failed hegemony.

Likewise, the loss of the media giant ABS-CBN as a dominant venue for eliminating or delimiting the logic of discursivity affected the rise of discursive events that should have resulted in a more refined and more responsive third hegemony. We have a fragmented polity, distressed by a plethora of different voices offering ideas that border on disconnectivity. This election should have been an occasion for a distilled and more effective response to social ills, yet, the third hegemony that Moreno’s and Lacson’s camps are promoting remain underdeveloped.

This third hegemony is being promoted as a synergy of the populist proposition of the Duterte regime and a democratic rules-based proposition. Since the development of this proposition remains stillborn, the Filipino voter’s choices are thus affected not by the discursive values of hegemony but by the personalities promoting the hegemony. The Marcos camp recognizes this hence their aversion to presidential debates.

The Marcos camp wants Filipinos to remain fixated on the fantasy logic of the Bagong Lipunan to achieve the logic of equivalence between their camp and the voters. The Marcos camp is not concerned with the truth or the correct interpretation of the voters about the Bagong Lipunan. These fantasies were allowed to develop because it sustains or clings to a hope of change by Filipinos. Among these hegemonies, the one with the clearest ideology remains the Marcos hegemony. The continuing discourse animates voters’ minds regardless of the incompetence and the checkered corruption records of personalities behind such hegemony.

What should be done?

Opposition groups need to promote a singular ideological platform that invalidates the social facts promoted by the Marcos hegemonic sphere. This is an occasion when political rhetoric must be employed to create an alternative fantasy logic rather than mere social (improvement of social services) or political logic (Bagong politika). Filipino voters must be given a chance to imagine what kind of future a Robredo administration brings compared to the reiteration of a failed experiment as represented by the Marcosian logic of Bagong Lipunan. The contrast must be stark and life-threatening. Otherwise, it will not create discursive events that invalidate the Marcosian narrative.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


Discover more from Current Ph

Subscribe to get the latest posts sent to your email.

Avatar photo
Filobserverhttp://filobserver.wordpress.com
FilObserver aims to be the top most in mind when it comes to Philippine and Asian news, culture, information and opinions.

LEAVE A REPLY

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

MUST READ

MAS PINABILIS NA ANG PAGBIYAHE SA VICTORY LINER!

MAS PINABILIS NA ANG PAGBIYAHE SA VICTORY LINER! Mas madali at mas convenient na ang pagkuha ng bus tickets! Alamin kung paano gagawing mas mabilis at...

MC Taxi Riders Appeal to LTFRB amidst Overboarding Issue

MANILA, Philippines, October 22, 2026 — Motorcycle taxi riders are calling on the Marcos administration and transport regulatory bodies to provide those operating beyond...

China’s Wolf Warriors are Back. Beijing Should Recall Its...

China's ambassador to the Philippines has accomplished in a few sentences what years of Chinese public diplomacy have struggled to prevent: He has reinforced the perception that Beijing regards its smaller neighbors not as sovereign equals, but as countries expected to accommodate its growing military and economic power.

Beyond the 2027 Invasion Timeline: Diplomatic Isolation, Ontological Security,...

This paper challenges military-centered assessments of a possible People's Republic of China (PRC) operation against Taiwan by 2027, arguing that Beijing's calculations may depend not only on military readiness and economic costs but also on diplomatic recognition, international legitimacy, and political identity. It advances a conditional framework integrating ontological security theory, the Chinese sociological concept of mianzi (face), and recognition politics. The paper proposes that Taiwan's declining diplomatic recognition could strengthen Beijing's sovereignty narrative, create a perceived loss of face for Taiwan's governing authorities, and alter the political conditions under which Beijing considers coercive or military unification. Drawing on official PRC statements, U.S. security assessments, and international relations scholarship, the analysis develops three propositions concerning recognition, status vulnerability, and coercive decision-making. It argues that complete diplomatic isolation could represent a significant political threshold without necessarily eliminating Taiwan's international relationships or legitimizing the use of force. The paper contributes to cross-strait security studies by identifying diplomatic recognition as a potentially important condition that shapes Beijing's assessment of the political feasibility and costs of unification, beyond conventional materialist explanations.

El Niño, Ayuda and the Politics of Disaster: Are...

The Marcos administration is preparing billions of pesos in drought-related spending. But will that money build permanent water security, or deepen a political culture in which disaster relief becomes a source of electoral patronage?

Discover more from Current Ph

Subscribe now to keep reading and get access to the full archive.

Continue reading

Discover more from Current Ph

Subscribe now to keep reading and get access to the full archive.

Continue reading